Chamba didn't send in a commentary today, but he did send
this along to post:
A highly detailed account of how the US government allowed the
infamous
attack on Pearl Harbor. Read in light of 9/11
"We knew well in advance that the Japanese were going to
attack. It was a lie that we didn't have direct radio
communication with Washington DC." --Lt. Col. Clifford M.
Andrew
The opening line to a rare 1975 document entitled The Skeleton
in Uncle Sam's Closet reads, "I am Hartford Van Dyke, a
Non Union lawyer. I have become sensitive to political
situations because my family was involuntarily involved in the
treasonous murder of 4000 men1 at Pearl Harbor, December 7,
1941. My relatives knew it was going to happen
beforehand."
In a letter to Paranoia dated December 17, 2003, Hartford Van
Dyke provided a history of the publication of this important
document, writing, "In about October 1967, I asked my
father about a vague memory of something I had heard him say
about an aircraft being shot down in our neighborhood in
Honolulu. As he told me about the Japanese attack on Pearl
Harbor on December 7, 1941, he broke down in grief. I don't
recall ever seeing my father cry before that incident."
Hartford's father, Lyle Hartford Van Dyke, Sr., had promised
his uncle, Gerald Mason Van Dyke, that he would not publish
anything about the Pearl Harbor incident until after Mason's
death. Hartford obeyed his father's wishes for two years, he
writes, but the Mi Lai massacre in Vietnam and government lies
about it pressed him to publish the truth about Pearl Harbor.
In 1970, Hartford mailed a copy of his first work on the Pearl
Harbor story to every U.S. senator and congressman - 535
copies in all.
As Hartford tells the story, he included his father in that
mailing and phoned him for a criticism of the text. He
connected a tape recorder to the telephone line and "got
a tape recording for posterity about the real history of the
Pearl Harbor attack." He sent out a second print run to
Congress, House and Senate, another 535 copies. He also
recorded conversations with people his father had mentioned,
and sent the cassettes through the mail. He was on a mission
to tell the world what really happened at Pearl Harbor. Would
the world listen?
In October 1972, Hartford received a copy of the book None
Dare Call It Conspiracy by Gary Allen. This book, he states,
inspired him to write his own book about Pearl Harbor.
Completed in August 1973, he again sent a copy of his final
book, The Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet (hereafter,
Skeleton), to every US senator and congressman. In 1975, he
printed a newspaper edition, which is the edition being quoted
here.
Van Dyke's Pearl Harbor Story
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, writes Van Dyke, was
instigated by the U.S., Britain and Holland, when they cut off
all shipping into and out of Japan, threatening its people
with starvation. Hartford's great uncle, Gerald Mason Van
Dyke, was an Army Intelligence officer in Hawaii at the time
of the attack.
According to Skeleton, Mason Van Dyke had foreknowledge of the
Pearl Harbor attack and sent his warning to Washington DC at
2:00 p.m. on December 4, 1941. His message was received in
Washington at about 7:00 p.m. (due to the time difference) by
Rear Admiral, Paulus Prince Powell. As Van Dyke tells the
story, Powell notified Secretary of the Navy, Frank Knox, who
then contacted Secretary of War, Henry Stimson. Stimson
contacted President Roosevelt, and Roosevelt reported to Naval
Intelligence in Washington.
As Skeleton claims, Secretary of the Navy, Frank Knox, wanted
to move the Navy out and set up a defense perimeter around the
islands. James Vincent Forrestal, Undersecretary of the Navy,
also wanted to act defensively. According to Skeleton, what
happened next is a claim that has never been made before (to
my knowledge). President Roosevelt put Powell, Knox and
Forrestal under armed Marine guard until after the Pearl
Harbor attack. He sent a message to Lt. Col. Clifford M.
Andrew, Intelligence officer at Army Intelligence in Hawaii,
which read: "The Japanese will attack, do not prepare
defenses, we need the full support of the American Nation in a
war time effort by an unprovoked attack upon the Nation."
A Distinguished Gentleman
Van Dyke Sr. testifies in Skeleton that at a political
conference about twenty years after the event (date not
written), he sat beside "a distinguished gentleman"
with whom he began a discussion of his experience in Honolulu
during the Pearl Harbor attack. He testifies: "This
gentleman acted very interested in what I had to say and
started to question me about the details." Finally, he
said, "Mr. Van Dyke, do you know who I am?" He
pulled out his personal card and said, "I am Admiral
Paulus P. Powell, United States Army Retired. Do you know what
I did during World War II?"
Powell then divulged that he was the one who had received
Mason Van Dyke's message at the Naval Intelligence office in
Washington. He asked, "Would you like to know what
happened in Washington DC when your uncle's message was
received by my office?" Van Dyke Sr. replied that he had
not "heard a logical explanation in the last nineteen
years."
Van Dyke Sr. claims, "I was utterly amazed at the remarks
he made about President Roosevelt being responsible for the
Pearl Harbor attack; about Roosevelt making Admiral Kimmel and
General Short scapegoats so that he [Roosevelt] would come out
looking like a hero." Admiral Powell said, "Mr. Van
Dyke, when I die it will be the most pleasant thing that has
happened to me because I have died thousands of times,
especially when I think of all the officers and enlisted men,
many of them my personal friends, being killed, and I could
not do a thing to save their lives."
According to Skeleton, Admiral Powell stated, "Here I was
on Saturday morning, Washington time. I grieved; you don't
know how I grieved. And yet I couldn't do anything because I
was under guard." He revealed, "If I had ever sent a
message to Pearl Harbor, I would have been shot on the
spot." Powell declared it was one of the most treacherous
acts committed by any president. Indeed, he added, "It
was one of the most dastardly things any president or king has
ever done in the history of the world. And there's no way to
keep it from happening again."
On Friday evening at about 5:00 p.m., December 5, Mason Van
Dyke warned his nephew that the Japanese would attack, most
probably on Sunday. He told him the Intelligence Department in
Washington had been warned, but America would stand down.
Hartford's father prepared his family for the attack as best
he could.
Forty Top Secret File Cabinets
As Hartford writes in Skeleton, in 1949 James Vincent
Forrestal's knowledge became a threat to those in power, and
he was thrown out of a seventh floor window of a Bethesda
hospital. Less well known, on May 15, 1966, Lt. Col. Clifford
M. Andrew, who had received FDR's stand down order at Military
Intelligence in Hawaii, was murdered in his home in Tigard,
Oregon, by a bullet in the back of the head.
Roger A. Stolley worked in a civilian capacity for Clifford
Andrew. Stolley testifies in Skeleton that, "A limited
number of personnel were directly involved with the events
behind the Pearl Harbor incident. Information directly
concerned with the attack was labeled TOP SECRET, held in
approximately forty file cabinets of the Army Intelligence
Office." The file cabinets, which were situated in
Honolulu, he writes, was taken out and burned - another claim
not made elsewhere (to my knowledge). All personnel with
knowledge of them were subject to military court martial if
they revealed their contents.
Stolley further testifies that Lt. Col. Clifford Andrew
confided in him, on several occasions, part of the contents of
those files. Stolley paraphrases Andrew's words, "We knew
well in advance that the Japanese were going to attack. It was
a lie that we didn't have direct radio communication with
Washington DC. Not only did my office have direct radio
communications, but so did the territorial government and the
FBI." Stolley concludes, "The responsibility for
Pearl Harbor rests upon five men: Franklin D. Roosevelt; Gen.
George C. Marshall; Harold R. Stark (Chief of Naval
Operations); Lt. Col. Kindall J. Fielder, G-2, under General
Short; and Clifford M. Andrew." The extract is signed and
witnessed by Roger A. Stolley, dated May 25, 1975.
In a 1992 article in the Journal for Historical Review
("Pearl Harbor Attack No Surprise"), Stolley
reiterated the information given to him by Clifford Andrew:
"We knew well in advance that the Japanese were going to
attack. At least nine months before the Japanese attack upon
Pearl Harbor, I was assigned to prepare for it." Andrew
claimed he was under direct orders of President Roosevelt. He
also claimed he was ordered to withhold from commanders in
Hawaii vital intelligence relating to the location of the
Japanese fleet. Stolley concludes: "Pearl Harbor is an
example of how a small group of men in control of government
has the power to destroy the life, property and freedom of its
citizens."
The Infamous Seaman Z
Many of the first- and second-hand witness statements
contained in Skeleton can be supported by sources published
decades later, which rely on many more witness testimonies. In
fact, while most books on Pearl Harbor purposely avoid the
above conclusions, at least two crucial books buttress its
assertions.
In his 1986 book, Infamy: Pearl Harbor and its Aftermath,
Pulitzer Prize-winning historian, John Toland, reveals a
letter from Col. Carlton Ketchum, who informed Toland that
warnings from various sources began in early fall of 1941. The
sources of these warnings included the Dutch Embassy, Dutch
Secret Service and British Secret Service. Indeed, Roosevelt
had received a warning from "some government agency in
Japan, I cannot recall who that was." Ketchum claimed the
warnings were passed on to "Secretary Knox, and I think
Secretary Stimson," but was sure they were not passed on
to commanders in the Pacific. He added, Hoover was told by
Roosevelt not to pass on the information to the FBI or to
their men stationed in the Pacific. (Toland, 343)
At an October 1990 Institute for Historical Review conference
(ihr.org), Toland stated that Stolley's testimony (in
"Pearl Harbor Attack No Surprise") rings true.
Toland relayed a personal story at this conference. He stated
that after writing, The Rising Sun, he received many letters
from naval officers who informed him that Roosevelt did know
the Japanese were moving in to attack Pearl Harbor. In fact,
Toland received so many letters that he began work on Infamy
in order to correct the record.
After a two-year search for witnesses, Toland located a Dutch
admiral named Ranneft, who in 1941 had been a captain serving
as the Dutch naval attaché. Ranneft wrote that he was
frequently allowed into the Naval Intelligence Office in San
Francisco. On December 3, he went into the office and was
informed that they had tracked the locations of two Japanese
carriers from their radio emissions. When he returned on the
6th and asked where the carriers were, a man went up to the
chart and "pointed to an area two hundred miles from
Pearl Harbor."
As the story goes, Toland discovered the identity of the man
who had located the Japanese fleet in the Pacific. This man
did not want to disclose his name because he was marrying a
fabulously wealthy California woman, so Toland referred to him
as "Seaman Z." When Infamy was published in 1986,
the Washington Post, true to form, claimed Toland had invented
Seaman Z. About a year later, this witness went public and
confirmed the information, but the media did not respond. The
man's name is revealed as Robert Ogg in a crucial 2001 book,
Day of Deceit. While on assignment in San Francisco, Ogg
confirms, he began to plot the location of the Japanese fleet
on a chart of the North Pacific on or about November 30, 1941.
This claim contradicts the sanctioned version of history,
which declares that, "Nagumo's task force sailed from the
Kuriles on 26 November and arrived, undetected by the
Americans, at a point about 200 miles north of Oahu at 0600
hours (Hawaiian time) on December 7, 1941." (
www.worldwar2history.info/Pearl-Harbor/)
The Purple Machine
Hartford Van Dyke has been trying to tell the world about
Pearl Harbor for more than 35 years. He was undeniably
vindicated in 2001 with Robert Stinnett's bombshell book, Day
Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR and Pearl Harbor, which is
based on documents from the National Archives as well as Naval
Intelligence files acquired through persistent FOIA requests
beginning in 1983. The Navy finally declassified these records
in 1994. Day of Deceit provides overwhelming evidence that FDR
and about thirty members of his administration knew well in
advance that Japanese warships were heading toward Hawaii. In
fact, Stinnett uncovered a Naval Intelligence memo, dated
October 1940, which outlined eight steps to provoke such an
attack.
For the past sixty years, a majority of historians have put
forth the deception that the Japanese maintained strict radio
silence on their war path to Pearl Harbor. Even as late as
1999, historian Stephen Ambrose echoed the official line in a
Wall Street Journal editorial saying, "American
intelligence was terrible." Stinnett exposes the
transparency of this fabrication, writing, "After sixty
years it is clear that the US Navy, the Army, and the press
were all wrong. Overwhelming evidence [from the National
Archives] proves that Yamamoto, as well as commanders of the
Task Force warships, broke radio silence and that their ships
were located by American communication intelligence
units." (Stinnett, 162)
The radio stealth exhibited by the Japanese is consistently
overstated in official accounts. The truth is, "[t]here
was no escaping the electronic surveillance." Beginning
on April 22, 1941, Stinnett reveals, "Six US Navy monitor
stations from Dutch Harbor, Alaska, Samoa, Hawaii, Corregidor
and two from San Francisco followed every move of Nagumo and
theAkagi." (Stinnett, 262)
In a deep underground Army/Navy base known as Corregidor,
situated west of Manila, Japanese kata kana message codes were
intercepted by 63 operators working round the clock in
eight-hour shifts. Navy analysts unscrambled the complex
codes. "We had the Purple machine and the means to
intercept, decode and translate messages," stated one
radio operator. "Since we were so near to Japan and its
naval operation area we were in an excellent position to
intercept radio broadcasts." (Stinnett, 186)
These dispatches should have been sent to Admiral Kimmel, the
commander in Hawaii who would have been able to avert, or at
least minimize, the tragedy. However, the unscrambled messages
never made it to their proper destination in order to save
American lives at Pearl Harbor, simply because saving the
lives of American servicemen was not the name of the game. The
name of the game was more succinctly stated by Lt. Com. Joseph
Rochefort when he proclaimed, "It was a pretty cheap
price to pay for unifying the country." (Stinnett, 203)
This was likely the mad logic bestowed upon distinguished
representatives of the American press when they were invited
to a "secret press briefing" at 10:15 a.m. on
November 15, 1941, where Gen. George C. Marshall revealed one
of America's most vital secrets: the U.S. could read Japan's
coded radio messages. Inconceivably, Marshall did not request
the presence of General Short or Admiral Kimmel, the two
officers in charge of naval operations in Hawaii, nor did he
give them a separate briefing.
Instead, according to Marshall's own papers, the General
called seven news correspondents to his office in the
Munitions Building in Washington, and forthwith provided an
exit opportunity to anyone unwilling to button his lips over
the information he was about to reveal. Stinnett, who remains
flummoxed as to the reason for the meeting, writes:
"Though the function of the press is to publicize, none
left. They kept Marshall's secret from their readers, who
included many of the officers and sailors manning the warships
on Pearl Harbor's Battleship Row." (Stinnett, 158)
Now we find out why the major media has obstructed the truth
about Pearl Harbor for the past sixty years. As Stinnett
discloses, four news media and three major wire services were
"let in on secrets denied to General Short and Admiral
Kimmel." No radio news reporters were invited to the
secret conference, where the print news media learned that the
Japanese would attack some time in the first ten days of
December. The select members of the media who were present and
who complied with the secrecy rule were: Robert Sherrod, Time;
Ernest Lindley, Newsweek; Charles Hurd, New York Times; Bert
Andrews, New York Herald Tribune; Lyle Wilson, United Press;
Edward Bomar, Associated Press; and Harold Slater,
International News Service. (Stinnett, 361) (Note, Simon &
Schuster hides this bombshell in the back of the book among
copious endnotes in tiny font.)
Stinnett suspects the messages containing this time-sensitive
information were intercepted between November 5 and November
13, 1941, in time for the General's unfathomable leak to the
media. In 1979, President Jimmy Carter released to the
National Archives a small portion of the messages sent between
September 3 and December 8, 1941. However, as of 2001 an
estimated 143,000 Japanese messages remained "cloaked in
American censorship" in spite of many FOIA requests.
In fact, Stinnett reveals that Naval Intelligence had cracked
the Japanese codes as early as fall of 1940, fifteen months
before the attack. He also reveals that Admiral Nagumo's first
radio broadcast was intercepted on April 22, 1941, eight
months before the attack. (Stinnett, 362) He concludes,
"A systematic plan had been in place long before Pearl
Harbor to arouse the United States from its isolationist
position." (Stinnett, 259) This corroborates Clifford
Andrew's claim in Skeleton that he had been assigned to
"prepare for the attack" at least nine months prior.
Inexplicably, it was not until November 25, according to the
diary of Secretary of War, Henry Stimson, that FDR announced
to his War Cabinet that "an attack was expected perhaps
as soon as next Monday (December 1)." With great American
ingenuity, radio interceptors and analysts deciphered an
obscure secret language, and assumed their dire warnings would
travel up the proper command route; however, Washington war
mongers chose to keep it from the one person with an
unequivocal need to know: Admiral Kimmel. Indeed, writes
Stinnett, "None of the nine Pearl Harbor investigations
examined the TESTM dispatches or questioned why their crucial
data were cut from Kimmel's intelligence loop." He traces
Kimmel's severance from the intelligence loop to
"numerous directives issued from Washington."
(Stinnett, 186)
On November 25, 1941, a full ten days after the press was
secretly briefed, Admiral Kimmel finally received a briefing
to the effect that a massive Japanese force of fleet subs and
long-range patrol aircraft would reach Hawaii in the beginning
of December. Kimmel received explicit orders on November 28
from Admiral Stark stating, "Undertake no offensive
action until Japan has committed an overt act." Because
he followed these orders he would later take most of the
blame.
Stinnett proves that both Pacific Fleet commanders, Admiral
Kimmel and Lt. Gen. Walter Short, were purposely kept in the
dark and were later blamed for "failing to
anticipate" the attack. In 1999, the Senate finally
exonerated Kimmel and Short of charges of "dereliction of
duty." However, throughout nine official investigations
of Pearl Harbor over a span of nearly sixty years, no radio
broadcasts were ever brought forward. Even Congressional
hearings had not the luxury of these documents.
Two weeks after Pearl Harbor, Stinnett shows, the Navy
classified all documents TOP SECRET. All radio operators and
cryptographers were gagged on threat of imprisonment and loss
of all benefits. Navy Director of Communications, Rear Admiral
Leigh Noyes, sent a memo ordering all commanders to
"destroy all notes or anything in writing."
(Stinnett, 256) This backs up Skeleton's assertion that Army
Intelligence in Honolulu burned forty file cabinets full of
documents.
In addition, Stinnett tells of a crucial 15-hour time delay
where no action was taken. In a 1944 Army investigation, he
notes, "Three Army generals determined that the delay
began Saturday night, December 6, and ended at 11:00 the next
morning." (Stinnett, 235) Coincidentally, John Toland
asks in Infamy, "Was it to be believed that the heads of
the Army and Navy could not be located on the night before
Pearl Harbor? Or that they would later testify over and over
that they couldn't remember where they were?" (Toland,
335) According to Toland, the cover-up began the very morning
after, when General Marshall said, "Gentlemen, this goes
to the grave with us."
Could this curious lapse of time and memory cloak a still
tightly fortified secret, described in Skeleton, that any
military commanders in Washington who had the presence of mind
to alert Hawaii were put under military house arrest from
Saturday morning "until after the blitz"? I have
been unable to verify this extraordinary claim, but under the
circumstances of this vast sixty-year conspiracy and cover-up,
it isn't as preposterous as it might seem. Indeed, it might
explain the astonishingly persistent suppression of Pearl
Harbor documents, which continued up to Janet Reno's
administration in 1994 - an invisible wall that Robert
Stinnett ran into again and again while researching his book.
When all the (available) facts are studied, the conclusion is
palpable: Pearl Harbor was a planned event that opened wide
the path leading to the deaths of millions of people. The
United States taunted Japan into a World War that led to the
first and only nuclear bombing of a sovereign country and its
people.
Pearl Harbor is a case study of an archetypal conspiracy and
cover-up for those naïve enough to think it can't happen
because there are too many people involved. This is how it's
done. Here is the model.
The Ghost of Pearl Harbor
Hartford Van Dyke warns prophetically in Skeleton: "Every
phase of deception and maneuvering which was used by the US
government in order to engineer and guarantee the Japanese
'surprise' attack on Pearl Harbor is still being used in full
force by the government today. Present national and
international events make this crystal clear. Observe the
actions of the president, and the content and control of the
United Nations Charter."
As Hartford writes, the Roosevelt administration used the
"back door" of Japan to enter a world war. The
attack, and Roosevelt's "Day of Infamy" address,
"jolted the American people to the proper frame of mind
to accept war, commit to it, and make the long sacrifice to
pursue its successful conclusion." This scenario should
be familiar to us today as George Bush and the
government-controlled media refer to the terror attacks of
September 11 as the "New Pearl Harbor." Now that we
know Pearl Harbor was an experiment in government/military
censorship, does this not illuminate the dark shadows
surrounding the events of 9/11? Did the Bush administration
have clear foreknowledge of the attacks? Was it Bush's
"back door" to US occupation of the Middle East? Was
the intent of 9/11 to lead us into World War III?
As Hartford writes in Skeleton, "Every year like a ghost,
Pearl Harbor intrudes upon us again and haunts us. The story
is repeated because everybody knows the whole story was never
told." The truth about Pearl Harbor is a public
possession, he declares. Yet, over sixty years later the
public still does not have adequate possession of the truth.
Thus, the association of 9/11 with the annual phantom of Pearl
Harbor puts the 'wink' in hoodwink. Not only are we being
controlled, but we're being taunted with that control.
Addendum
After working tirelessly to collect and disseminate the
testimony in Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet, Hartford began
work on another prescient document, completed in May 1979,
entitled 'Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars.'
This infamous tract begins: "This publication marks the
25th anniversary of the Third World War, called the 'Quiet
War,' being conducted using subjective biological warfare,
fought with 'silent weapons.' This book contains an
introductory description of this war, its strategies, and its
weaponry." In his anonymously written document, Hartford
Van Dyke explained:
Social engineering (the analysis and automation of a society)
requires the correlation of great amounts of constantly
changing economic information (data), so a high-speed
computerized data-processing system was necessary which could
race ahead of the society and predict when society would
arrive for capitulation.
In the interest of future world order, peace and tranquility,
it was decided to privately wage a quiet war against the
American public with an ultimate objective of permanently
shifting the natural and social energy (wealth) of the
undisciplined and irresponsible many into the hands of the
self-disciplined, responsible, and worthy few. In order to
implement this objective, it was necessary to create, secure,
and apply new weapons, which were a class of weapons so subtle
and sophisticated in their principle of operation and public
appearance as to earn for themselves the name 'silent
weapons.'
Hartford Van Dyke is now in federal prison in Waseca,
Minnesota. Many readers of his letters (at
www.paranoiamagazine.com)
want to know why. Hartford's situation is not easy to
comprehend, but I will try to explain as succinctly as
possible. (See detailed explanation "The Commercial
Principles Governing the Engineering of Public Wealth Rebate
Banks, a.k.a. Robin Hood Banks," posted at website.)
Hartford got into trouble by circulating something called
Public Wealth Rebate Notes (PWRN's). Hartford insists his
issuance of PWRNs was lawful. As he explains, "Public
Wealth Rebate Banks engage in the lawful altruistic/charitable
disbursement of public malpractice default judgments to the
Public, by generating a Commercial Lien Assignment Currency
known as Public Wealth Rebate Notes, establishing thereby a
lawful method for the Public to lay claim to the real and
moveable property of the Lien Debtor party(ies). A Public
Wealth Rebate Note is a Reversed Party Promissory Note, a
Demand Note made by a creditor or claimant against a debtor
based on the Debtor's promise to pay or to perform."
Hartford further claims that his case was filed in the U.S.
District Court - an administrative, not criminal, court. The
case was set as "United States of America vs. Hartford
Van Dyke." He explains that the term "United States
of America" is a legal fiction. Since it's not a flesh
and blood person, it can neither accuse nor bring a criminal
case. It has to be brought ex rel.(ex relation), he explains,
which is the relation of a person telling the story to the
prosecuting attorney. The accuser's name must appear under the
United States of America, he explains, otherwise the case is a
fraud.
It is safe to presume that Hartford Van Dyke is a political
prisoner. He's in federal prison in Minnesota for an attitude
adjustment. His insistence on abiding by commercial law
infuriates insider lawyers and judges. His political knowledge
threatens the shadow government. In the winter of 2004, he was
placed in solitary confinement in a cold stone cell with a
ration of two blankets. He shivered uncontrollably. His weight
dropped to 127 pounds. He padded his blankets with a layer of
toilet paper. His letters tell of being covered with rashes
and boils, which he attributes to toxins placed in his food.
His treatment can only be described as torture.
Why is a non-violent individual treated in this manner in the
American prison system? How many political prisoners is the
United States holding in its torture chambers? Please keep
Hartford in your prayers and call attention to his plight in
whatever way you can.
Footnotes
1. Stinnett lists the Pearl Harbor death toll at 2,476;
wounded: 1,119; POWs: 1,951 (many of whom died in Japanese
custody).
References
Hartford Van Dyke. The Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet.
Newspaper reprint edition, 1975.
John Toland. Infamy: Pearl Harbor and its Aftermath. Berkeley.
1986.
John Toland, "Living History," Tenth International
Revisionist Conference, October 1990. (
www.vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/11/1/Toland5-24.html)
Robert Stinnett. Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR and Pearl
Harbor. Simon & Schuster. 2001.
Stinnett speech "Pearl Harbor: Official Lies in an
American War Tragedy?" May 24, 2000 (
www.independent.org/events/transcript.asp?eventID=28)
Roger A. Stolley. "Pearl Harbor Attack No Surprise."
Journal of Historical Review, 1992. (
www.vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/12/1/Stolley119-121.html)
Hartford Van Dyke's 'Silent Weapons For Quiet Wars' may be
read at:
www.lawfulpath.com/ref/sw4qw/index.shtml.
There are several versions online, but this appears to be the
only one that contains the original schematic diagrams.
See
www.paranoiamagazine.com,
for Hartford's "Letters from the Federal Pen."
http://www.paranoiamagazine.com/federalpen.html
http://www.paranoiamagazine.com/skeleton.html
Also these articles;
The Bones Of "Station H"
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/SH.html
The Smoking Gun Of Pearl Harbor
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/McCollum/index.html
Pearl Harbor - The Mother Of All Conspiracies
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/pearl/www.geocities.com/Pentagon/
6315/pearl.html
FREE HARTFORD VAN DYKE!
The Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet.
Newspaper reprint edition, 1975 is available from Paranoia, PO
Box 1041, Providence, RI 02901. $12, postage included.
(limited supply, available by check, money order or via paypal
at
www.paranoiamagazine.com.)
This money goes directly to Hartford Van Dyke, through his
family, for his care in federal prison. For three copies or
more, you may reduce the price to $10 each.
